This reflection examines the dangers of AI-induced inequality and explores how mechanisms like Universal Basic Capital (UBC) offer a more structural and just response than Universal Basic Income (UBI), drawing on arguments made by leading economists and publications such as Noema and the LSE Public Policy Review.
In today's data-driven capitalism, power resides with those who own not just physical infrastructure, but intangible assets: algorithms, cloud platforms, data repositories, and intellectual property. The scalability of AI systems means that small labor forces can generate enormous profits, breaking the traditional link between productivity and employment and exacerbating inequality.
As Joseph Stiglitz notes, writing for “Noema” unless we change how capital is distributed, we risk reinforcing "a vicious cycle where inequality begets inequality." Ray Dalio similarly warns of a "new feudalism," where the concentration of wealth leads to political polarization and social unrest.
Universal Basic Income has gained traction as a response to automation, promising a no-strings-attached income to every citizen, providing a cushion as economies restructure. Studies have shown that UBI can reduce stress, improve well-being, and empower entrepreneurial activity.
However, UBI also has inherent limitations. It tends to treat the symptoms of inequality rather than its root causes. As Nathan Gardels argues, income transfers maintain consumption but do not alter economic power relations. UBI recipients remain consumers in a system where ownership and decision-making lie elsewhere.
Furthermore, UBI can be expensive, potentially inflationary, and politically contentious. Critics also note that it may undermine the value of purposeful work, offering subsistence without opportunity for growth.
Universal Basic Capital (UBC) presents a transformative approach to addressing economic inequality by shifting the focus from mere income redistribution to asset ownership. Instead of providing individuals with a regular income, UBC aims to grant citizens ownership stakes in productive assets—such as shares in businesses, data cooperatives, or public investment funds—thereby enabling them to benefit directly from the wealth generated in the economy.
Joseph Stiglitz, a prominent economist and Nobel laureate, has extensively discussed the structural issues underpinning economic disparities. He emphasizes that the current economic system often rewards rent-seeking behavior over productive contributions, leading to a concentration of wealth and power. Stiglitz advocates for reforms that promote shared prosperity, stating, "The only true and sustainable prosperity is shared prosperity" . This perspective aligns with the principles of UBC, which seeks to democratize capital ownership and ensure that economic growth benefits a broader segment of society.
Implementing UBC could involve mechanisms such as:
By adopting such measures, UBC aims to rectify systemic imbalances and foster a more equitable economic landscape, resonating with Stiglitz's vision of a fairer and more inclusive society.
What experience do we have from moving theory to practice?
One of the most closely watched implementations of UBI was Finland’s two-year experiment. Two thousand unemployed people were randomly chosen to receive €560 a month, unconditionally replacing their unemployment benefit. The headline results were mixed. Employment outcomes were statistically indistinguishable from those of a control group, but participants “were clearly happier, less stressed and more confident about the future,” according to the first government evaluation. Interview data collected by the Social Insurance Institution (Kela) echoed the quantitative findings: the stipend gave recipients room to plan, study or volunteer, yet did not by itself generate new jobs.
The Finnish experience therefore confirmed both the promise and the limits of UBI: psychological security improves, yet the underlying distribution of wealth—and with it the power to shape the digital economy—remains unchanged.
Seven years on, let’s imagine Ella, a former retail manager displaced by the recent phenomenon of AI-driven automation. She is given a monthly sum of £1,000. Initially felt liberating: it paid the rent, financed on-line retraining and bought time for community volunteering. Three years later, however, inflation had eroded its real value. With no assets to appreciate, Ella was still precarious. The income floor preserved dignity, but it did not create a ladder into ownership or influence in an economy dominated by capital-intensive AI firms.
If Finland illustrates the logic of a basic income, Alaska offers the longest-running demonstration of a basic capital endowment. Since 1982 every resident has received an annual dividend drawn from a constitutionally protected sovereign wealth fund that invests a share of the state’s oil revenues. In 2023 the payment was $1,312, and legislators agreed a provisional $1,655 for 2024. Over four decades the Fund has grown to more than $75 billion, transforming a non-renewable resource into a renewable pool of financial assets.
Independent studies show that the dividend has cut Alaskan poverty by 20–40 percent overall—an effect strongest among rural Indigenous communities, children and seniors. Crucially, the payment stems from collective ownership of a productive asset, so every resident receives not just income but a small, perpetually compounding stake in the state’s natural-resource wealth. Researchers also find no lasting reduction in labour-force participation; at most, the dividend correlates with a modest rise in part-time work, suggesting cash injections stimulate local demand rather than encourage idleness.
Yet the Alaskan model also exposes design challenges. Because the dividend must compete with schools, infrastructure and health care for limited oil revenue, annual political fights over its size can paralyse other budget priorities And while the payment reduces poverty, its flat structure is not progressive: affluent households receive exactly the same amount as the poor. Even so, the programme remains a rare proof-of-concept that asset-based redistribution can deliver material and psychological benefits at population scale.
Let’s again imagine Malik, a 29-year-old gig worker who moves to Anchorage, and experiences the dividend much as he would a pilot UBC endowment. The lump-sum arrives each October; he routinely channels part of it into an index-tracking fund through the state’s Pick-Click-Give programme, slowly building financial assets that yield dividends of their own. The cheque does not replace work—it supplements income, buffers seasonal fluctuations and, by tying his fortune to the Fund’s performance, makes him a long-term stakeholder in Alaska’s post-petroleum transition.
If we contrast both examples we can see how Finland’s UBI pilot shows how unconditional income enhances well-being but leaves structural inequality intact; Alaska’s dividend (a kind of UBC) shows how a universal share in productive assets can shrink poverty while building participatory ownership. Together they suggest that a humane AI transition may require both security and stakeholding—but that only capital grants, not cash alone, change who actually owns the future.
UBC implementation can take several forms:
As discussed in Noema, such approaches could democratize access to capital and ensure that the benefits of AI are broadly shared.
Notwithstanding its promises, both UBI and UBC have trade-offs:
Drawing on Professor Sir Julian Le Grand study “A Springboard for New Citizens” , UBC could be a much needed option for wealth distribution. We would need to look at it not merely as a financial intervention— but a civic institution. The authors propose a symbolic Citizen's Day, where every young adult would receive their capital endowment as a rite of passage.
This day would mark more than economic inclusion—it would affirm social belonging and democratic agency. By giving citizens a literal and symbolic stake in national wealth, it redefines what it means to participate in a society shaped by AI. This reframing helps us move beyond welfare logic toward a more inclusive form of economic citizenship.
As AI redefines value creation, we must redefine how that value is shared. UBI can provide a dignified floor—but UBC builds a ladder to prosperity, participation, and ownership. UBI reduces precarity; UBC enables flourishing.
The civic vision presented in “A Springboard for New Citizens” challenges us to think not just as economists or technocrats, but as citizens of a shared future. By granting each new generation a stake in society's productive assets, we affirm not only equality, but belonging.
The AI age need not be an era of exclusion. With visionary policies like UBC, we can build a future where the wealth of machines uplifts humanity—and where every citizen, from Ella to Malik, holds a piece of tomorrow.
Hind is a Data Scientist and Computer Science graduate with a passion for research, development, and interdisciplinary exploration. She publishes on diverse subjects including philosophy, fine arts, mental health, and emerging technologies. Her work bridges data-driven insights with humanistic inquiry, illuminating the evolving relationships between art, culture, science, and innovation.